In recent times we have seen the increasing effort of various nationalist groups to establish their presence in the western districts of Thessaloniki. Various groups of fascists are trying to forcibly steer occupations that have taken place in recent months in various schools towards a clearly nationalist course. Occupations by schoolchildren who raise as their main issues the educational devaluation, the privatisation of education, the total lack of protection and prevention measures with regard to the spread of mockery, the shabby structural facilities and more. Issues, which we understand touch on the class priority of the state in terms of learning as most of these schools are EPALs (Evosmos, Stavroupoli), without making any distinctions as to which nationality students can or rather cannot claim their right to free learning. Something which, it seems, cannot be accepted by the advocates of nationalist rhetoric whose priority is to have schools composed entirely of Greek students, thus disregarding the devaluation and impoverishment that people of our class are subjected to by the state even at such a young age.
Of course, the direction of these people’s priorities does not surprise us at all. Fascist groups have always been, whether they are organisations such as Golden Dawn or more disorganised paraphernalia such as in recent events the Eneth, selling an anti-government and sometimes anti-populist fairy tale in order to convince the masses that they will make a difference, that they will bring about change. What change can we talk about when the interests of these groups go hand in hand with the interests of the state and the bosses. What solution have they given or even proposed for unemployment, flexible working hours, starvation wages and pensions, precariousness and poverty in general? What change can we talk about when, over time, where the state is unable to intervene, fascism takes action with its long arm. With countless attacks in recent years, always on the weakest or different, with knives, guns, sticks and fists on immigrants and even children, with violence against schoolchildren who reacted to the nationalist occupations, with Molotov cocktails on the balconies of foreign families, with attacks on movement structures, thus taking the role that the state does not want to take the responsibility to take. What change can we talk about when these attacks are accompanied by the complete tolerance of the police.
One of these groups that have been active in Thessaloniki in recent years is the Holy Company, an organisation with a deeply Christian and nationalist analysis in its discourse. The Holy Company was at the forefront of the riots in Oraiokastro in 2016 when refugee children wanted to go to the local school. In 2017 it spearheaded blockades and riots protesting the ”anti-Christian” performance ”The Devil’s Hour”. He was found at the nationalist rallies for Macedonia that resulted in the burning of the Libertatia squat and the attack on EKX School on 21/01/18. Created Macedonian Pride a nationalist fiesta in a desperate attempt to keep the Macedonian issue alive in an anniversary format. Organized the marches for the death of the fascist Katsifa, as well as participated in nationalist protests first against lockdown and then against vaccines. Finally, it tried to capitalize on the events by calling for a nationalist march in the neighborhood. Based on these highlights of the holy company’s activities, we can easily understand that this group over time tries to follow the news in order to gather and organize as many people as possible.
At this point we cannot fail to mention the struggles and the constant presence of the anti-fascist movement. A movement that has played a decisive role in the current form and distribution of the city’s balances. It has not stopped fighting against fascism and everything that gives rise to it, from the constant public presence on the streets to the night attacks, from the mass poster campaigns and patrols to the direct confrontation and crushing of fascists. The multiform radical anti-fascist struggle provided solutions at a difficult time when the Syriza government made things more murky at the social level. So in this context we as an integral part of this movement and as flesh of the flesh of the oppressed and exploited take responsibility for the:
The placing of an incendiary device in the car of Panagiotis Bekas, a fascist, former soldier and for years a member of the Holy Company at 3 Kolokotronis Street in Sikies, Thessaloniki on 10/01/22. We dedicate this action to the evacuated squat Steki in Biologico.
Placement of an explosive device at the house of Maki Kougioumtzidis, a fascist and for years a member of the Holy Company, at 6 Elena Theodoridou Street in the Ippokratio area of Thessaloniki on 27/01/22. This action was our own tribute to the anniversary of Imia.*
We call upon the world of militant anti-fascism to take action. The days when fascists will act and move undisturbed must end. Whether they are called Enteh or Holy Company or whether they are in the western part of the city or the eastern part they must be crushed in every neighbourhood.
Analyzing the situation with the tools we have as a competitive movement, we conclude that linking anti-fascist action to the subjects who experience racism, sexism, homophobia and class exploitation and oppression in their own skin will open the way for new individual struggles necessary to dismantle the state and capital. Our commitment to anti-fascist action becomes necessary, its integration and that of all individual struggles into the overall revolutionary struggle is considered essential and imperative. The war against the fascist state and the bosses will not stop until we live in a world of freedom and equality. So that no immigrant will be massacred again, no woman will be abused, no worker will be impoverished.
Anarchists against oblivion
*Imia Crisis, January 1996, military crisis that nearly ended in all out war between Greece and Turkey over the tiny island of Imia. Fascists and nationalists mark the anniversary especially the deaths of three Greek navy officers who died when their heilcopter crashed during the crisis, that some claim the Turkish military shot down.