The whole game of the German state on the comrades Daniela Klette, Ernst Volker Staub and Burkhard Garweg is an operation of psychological warfare, what they call in their terminology psy ops. In addition to the always fruitless attempt of the counter-insurgency to isolate revolutionary struggle, in this hunt it wants to torture the living history, to bury it under the concrete, in order to spread the idea that all resistance is eventually exterminated, to instill terror in the new revolutionary generations. The act of evading from the counter-insurgency’s dragnet is an important resistance: It removes from the state the opportunity to hold the ritual of the “final act”. For this reason, its vengeance against defiant history, now manifested on the body and person of comrade Daniela, is rampant.
The fugitives prove that the passage to free life cannot be blocked. Despite the capitulation of the revolutionary organization, the three comrades have lived for decades in the struggle for the self-organization of proletarian life against the chains of class discipline and bourgeois civilization that kills for money. Now it is in the hands of all of us to pass on the history of the comrades to the current resistances. The hearts that refuse to live enslaved do not leave the final act to any master. And because every “final” word of the state, political, judicial, economic, scientific, determines the crushing of the common body, we will do everything to end Daniela Klette’s captivity.
The most important political legacy of the German revolutionary movement is the strategic and organic internationalism. Burkhard to this day is not hiding, he is singing for the bloodied body of Palestine, of Kurdistan, of the poly-ethnic proletariat and the Earth. The familiar old Europe of colonial war, nationalism and imperialism wants to put Daniela on trial. Let the vampires understand that our people are not for their teeth.
Following the end of the event “Revolutionary memory and perspective of the struggle” in Mesologgiou street, a crowd of comrades descended to Kolettis and Themistokleous streets to defend the liberation of the building. The following is the self-introductory communique of the occupation:
The silence of the metropolis weighs like a stone on our shoulders. The streets are filled with worn-out stares, bodies crawling out of habit, out of fear, out of submission. The world moves along predetermined paths, without a second thought, tempering its dreams. Everything is programmed to work exactly as they want: work, consumption, obedience. Yet, always, beneath the surface, something is boiling. History is not written by the obedient. A few choose to bear the burden of disobedience. To crack the concrete of normality. To confront the invisible hand of power that chokes every aspect of our lives. Refusing to submit is not a mere stance. It is a call to question, to overturn, to take back everything that belongs to us. We are comrades, anarchists who derive from different political and ideological backgrounds, but we have found ourselves in the very same fires of struggle. It is there, where our common struggles and collective experiences united us, that we recognized the vital need for the creation of a space for meeting, political maturation1, exchange of views and organizational empowerment. At a time when isolation is imposed and communities of struggle are being dismantled by repression, the formation of such spaces is not only necessary – it is crucial. The repressive blows of recent years have not come by accident. The authorities are attempting to eliminate any focus of resistance, to crush any form of self-organisation and to extinguish the flame of contestation. Great achievements have been lost, the movement has been put on the defensive, the recession is now on the horizon. But we know that history is written by those who do not fall back, by those who are not afraid to confront reality. To remain on the defensive is to accept defeat. And that is not going to happen. The time is now to turn words into action, to move from defense to attack. So let’s make it clear that the enemy will not get rid of us so easily. We must define our own field of struggle, reclaim our space and time. To liberate territories from domination, to create a vibrant centre of resistance, a radical cell for mobilisation2 both in theory and action. We perceive the occupation as an integral part of the movement and the movement as an organic element of the occupation. The existence of territories of struggle is not just a practical question, but a deeply political one. Squats are not just places to hang out, they are not just places of hospitality. They are strongholds of resistance, laboratories of radical practices, cracks in the normality they try to impose on us. And this is a non-negotiable reality. Every neighbourhood, every street, every square is not a neutral ground. It is a vibrant map of oppositions, conflicts and claims. Cities are built on the basis of discipline, policing and the sterilization of public space. Squares are filled with surveillance cameras, walls are painted grey, buildings become inaccessible bastions for those who cannot afford to pay the price of existence in a world where everything has a tag price. Dominance is implementing a strategic plan of universal control of the metropolises, crushing any source of resistance. Armed with black propaganda and ideological warfare, it attempts to shape consciousness, while the deliberate degradation of neighbourhoods through the spread of organised crime and the violent expulsion of the local population is paving the way for its complete absorption by capital. Continue reading “Athens, Greece: Beneath the concrete, something is burning. Statement regarding the occupation of a building and creation of Rasprava Squat”→
“Injustice is not anonymous, it has a name and an address”
Bertolt Brecht
In the early morning hours of June 27th [2024] we attacked the house and the police guard of the President of the Supreme Court, Ioanna Klapa, in the Papagos area. That summer evening found the cop who happened to be on duty instead of carelessly gazing at Instagram photos or playing slots (in earlier watches this seemed to be how those on duty spent their time) screaming from the Molotov cocktails that burned him and then being rushed to the emergency room by his colleagues, badly injured. And Klapa, instead of sleeping, fearfully putting out the fire in the entrance and garden of her house.
But why did we choose to attack Klapa while her house was being guarded?
First of all, it was an operational choice with three political considerations. It was not a matter of mere desire or convenience but of collective recognition of the need to attack, yes, using the element of surprise, but on a guarded target. In a field where, in theory, immediate engagement reflexes have been designed and provided for by the police guard to protect the high profile person. In this area there is not room for much analysis. Their preparedness and the proud spirit of the Greek police corps went out the window. Although their operational planning was disgraced, we, to tell the truth, acknowledge that we did not achieve anything particularly great. Life the next day went on as usual, a world of squalor and rot remained the same and the violence of apathy, misery and deadlock still lingers. We had no illusions that we would achieve the most decisive blow to the mechanisms of bourgeois justice and the police. To be a substantially dangerous pole in the social war, however, you have to sharpen the violent responses quantitatively and qualitatively. This is a finding that is eloquently described even by renowned academics and in particular by the jurist Manoledakis: “The overthrow of a political power, and especially today when the state has a perfected huge mechanism for eliminating its opponents, cannot be done on paper or with wishful thinking. In order for the ‘political criminal’ to reach his goal, he must willingly or unwillingly violate a multitude of legal value so that his crime always appears complex. The state is a legal value entangled with other legal values (human lives, personal freedoms, facilities, services, etc.). To reach it you have to go through these values”. So we recognized the importance of such an action and achieved a goal that was both realistic and decisive. To wound their confidence and arrogance, to wound the security they feel in the quiet of their homes and their service cars. We have succeeded, and literally. The burn scars of the security guard will be there to remind him and his colleagues when they notice them that they are in fact vulnerable no matter how much they may think otherwise.
Here lies the second aspect of the rationale behind our attack and the conditions under which it was carried out. The central outcome of our operational planning was to completely destroy the service vehicle and injure the cop, which is what happened. If to some ears this sounds too violent and alienating to their humanistic, pea-brained little minds, then we are speaking and addressing those who read this text and either consciously and with clear political and ideological commitment advocate revolutionary violence by all means or those who instinctively rejoiced and chuckled when they heard the news of a cop being injured that day. To all of them we say that this act was another contribution to the feud we have with the bollocks of the Hellenic Police. We owe this feud and its continuation to our dead. It is a deep and conscious choice with the first and foremost weapon being the determination that defines the need to avenge our dead.
Hands off anarchist comrades Marianna M. and Dimitra Z.
On 31/10/24, following an explosion in an apartment in Ampelokipi, the anarchist armed fighter Kyriakos Xymitiris fell in the battle for social and class liberation, while the anarchist comrade Marianna M., who was also in the apartment, was severely injured, hospitalised and guarded in the ICU of the “Evangelismos” General Hospital. The following days, comrades Dimitra Z., Dimitris and Nikos R., as well as A.K., were remanded in custody.
From the very beginning, state violence was applied to comrade Marianna. With her transfer to Korydallos women’s prison just one day after the second operation she underwent, her hospitalisation was violently interrupted while she still had open wounds on her face, she could not walk or fully care for herself, was dizzy and in pain. The “Evangelismos” General Hospital discharged her as a patient in this condition, knowing full well the miserable environment of the prison to which she would be transferred, where there is not even any kind of hospital and therefore no possibility of providing her with extremely necessary medical care before she fully recovers.
Her torture in Korydallos prison continues to this day. Her serious health condition, as well as the risk of long-term complications, are the result of the deprivation of necessary medical post-operative care. From the very beginning they deprived her of the provision of pharmaceuticals and forced her to stay in cells full of cockroaches, in extremely poor sanitary conditions. While to this day – four months later – necessary and urgent diagnostic tests have not been initiated. To her request to be assessed by a doctor and immediately initiate a brain CT scan requested by an outside doctor who visited her a long time ago, the response of the prison neurologist was “if you don’t fall down with an epileptic seizure, we won’t take you to hospital.” A response that accurately reflects the condition of vindictiveness, punishment, and torture that the rulers impose on anyone who finds themselves captured in the cells of democracy.
To the already heavy situation of confinement was added the appearance of intense rashes and itching in comrade Dimitra. A short time later, the comrade Marianna also showed similar symptoms and only then was the diagnosis of scabies made, while they have been torturing Dimitra for two months with their icy indifference, attributing the symptoms to psychological reasons and administering sedatives to her without having ruled out pathological causes.
On 31.10 on the third floor of an apartment in Arkadias Street (Athens), during the processing of explosives by my comrade and guerrilla Kyriakos Xymitiris, an explosion took place with the tragic consequence of his death. For a few moments, with me in the next room, time froze, everything went black and I was unable to move. The condition was incomprehensible, the development inconceivable. Buried in the wreckage trying to figure out what had happened;asking for help, searching for my partner with my eyes. Slowly realizing that while the thread of my comrade’s action would be abruptly cut short, his life and his choices in struggle would be a historic flash of determined resistance, consistency and dedication; a springboard and inspiration for further struggle. Two figures appeared offering help while I showed them the spot where I last saw my comrade, the spot where our guilty gazes met, gazes full of anger at the world we live in, full of faith and appetite for moments of true freedom.
Within a few minutes I was in the hospital “Evangelismos”. I was immediately subjected to examinations and operations. I had a hematoma on my head and countless stitches on the upper part of my body. I remained intubated and completely unconscious for the next three days. Enough time for the “anti-“terror scumbags to come to the hospital demanding a blood sample. On the Monday, I regained consciousness and was transferred to the ICU where I was confined for the next three days. The conditions there were decent with medical staff eager to assist in my recovery. However the room was surrounded by police forces who entered the ICU room during the 5-minute visits from my family.
After two days I was transferred – for no apparent reason – to an isolation ward guarded by several static and as many mobile cops in the hallways and on the floors. The door to my room was constantly open leaving zero privacy even during medical examinations. Under the “watchful” gaze of every single cop I had to eat, be examined, and have my body cleaned. Following instructions, the majority of medical and nursing staff maintained a distant attitude, showing zero empathy even in the most basic things, for example when they carried out an examination with the presence of a male police officer.
The insistence of the 22nd investigator of the Athens District Court on conducting the interrogation procedure despite my physical and mental weakness also contributed to the vindictive atmosphere. After asking for a certificate of my sufficient ‘functionality’, which she read at her discretion, she finally gave me the sham extension of 30 hours. She thus confirmed the fact that her priority was my predetermined pre-trial detention and prosecution under 187A.
On Friday 15.11, and just one day after the second operation I underwent, I was transferred to the women’s prison in Korydallos. My daily life, under these circumstances, was difficult. Under deplorable sanitary conditions and with unhealed wounds on my body and head, the repressive mechanism was playing with my health. I was without the necessary medical care and without access to the necessary medication, a condition that all prisoners face as they are perceived as second-class citizens with no right to medical care, with superficial to non-existent medical examinations by prison doctors, with prohibition of necessary medical procedures, with discontinuation of medication taken before incarceration, with long waits for months for emergency examinations in outpatient hospitals.
THE GEOMETRY OF THE ANTI-TERROR UNIT
While I am still unconscious, only a few hours after the explosion, the judicial apparatus follows the instructions of the anti-terror squad and constructs an indictment of an abomination. The processing of (small amounts of) explosive materials and devices with only comrade Kyriakos and myself present and aware, was baptized an organization. The apartment, to which we had only had access to for a few days, was christened a yafka (illegal bunker). The legitimate objects found in the apartment where I lived with comrade Kyriakos and which were presented on the daily news were dubbed suspicious. With these facts, the anti-terror police prosecuted me on the charge of “terrorism”. At this point, however, I will not focus on the legal aspect, nor will I speak in the context of innocence and guilt. I refuse to accept an indictment based on 187A, especially when it instrumentalizes the death of my comrade in the most vulgar fashion. And I intend to deconstruct whichever repressive scenario they construct. But I will defend until the end my choice to be in this apartment, I will defend the necessity of struggle by means not limited to the framework of civil law, I will defend my comrade’s choices, his memory and our relationship.
By carving concentric circles, the anti-terror police weave their own repressive web. It places me and my comrade Kyriakos at the centre and, with shaky geometry, it adds friends, comrades and strangers. In the first cycle it places the arrest of the anarchist comrade Dimitra, who presented herself voluntarily in a Hollywood-style operation at the Athens airport where – in contrast to the femicide of Kyriaki Griva – the police car in the role of a taxi picks her up and takes her to the GADA (Athens central police station). The only “clue” was that she had given the keys to the apartment in Arkadia Street to me and Kyriakos under the pretext of hosting our acquaintances from abroad, without her knowledge of the true purpose of the flat’s use. It is worth noting that on the day of the explosion she was abroad, where she had been living for the last few years. She too is being prosecuted under 187A. In the second circle they place the comrade Dimitris, who also presented himself voluntarily at GADA, because he had handed over the pair of keys of the apartment in Arcadia Street to the flat’s owner, something which had been requested of him by Dimitra. With the only involvement being the delivery of the keys, without having known anything more and having been at work at the time of the explosion, he also faces the aforementioned charges. Twenty days later the”anti-“terrorists secure the next cycle, with the arrest of the anarchist comrade N. Romanos. In his case, the repressive mechanism unleashed its vindictiveness by using as proof a faint fingerprint on a transportable object – a bag – found in the apartment in Arcadia. Two days later A.K becomes part of the last cycle when he is arrested due to the ridiculous “clue” of the fingerprint on the same bag. Apparently within 20 days the “efficiency” of the ELAS (greek police) laboratories managed to implicate two people with whom I have no connection, by unearthing a fingerprint, while the tons of xylene in the Tempi massacre have not been found for two years now. The last two arrested also face the same flimsy charge.
LXS REVOLUCIONARIXS NO SE «CORRIGEN» NI « SE MEJORAN MORALMENTE»
Una vez más, por sexta vez consecutiva, el tribunal plenario de delitos menores de Lamia me honra con su decisión de rechazar mi solicitud de libertad condicional, con el argumento de que ¡no me he «corregido» y que no he mostrado «mejora moral»! ¡No puedo sino admitir que tienen razón!
En efecto, un militante consecuente, un revolucionario, un anarquista como yo, no podría ser «corregido» y «mejorado moralmente» por la cárcel, no importa cuántos años esté encarcelado. Un militante consecuente, un revolucionario, un anarquista, puede dar su vida por la lucha, como el compañero de la Lucha Revolucionaria Lambros Fountas, puede arriesgar su vida por la lucha, puede arriesgarse a ser asesinado por los pretorianos del estado, como casi ocurrió en mi caso, puede pasar muchos años en la cárcel -yo ya he cumplido 12 años por la Lucha Revolucionaria y otros 4 antes de eso- pero no se le permite dar un paso atrás, mostrar arrepentimiento o revisión, o en otras palabras y en el lenguaje del tribunal, una mejora «correccional» y «moral». Así que, desde este punto de vista, todas las decisiones de los tribunales y juntas judiciales, las seis del tribunal plenario y la una de la junta de apelaciones, me honran y me demuestran que sigo en el camino correcto. Si dijera lo contrario, empezaría a preguntarme si me he equivocado y he violado mis principios y valores morales. Mi única objeción es la referencia del tribunal sobre un “pretencioso” buen comportamiento por mi parte. Esto realmente me hace injusticia. Si tal cosa fuera cierta, en las audiencias del tribunal, en manera completamente «pretenciosa», contraria a lo que creo por lo que he sido condenado y por las faltas disciplinarias que he cometido, estaría murmurando disculpas y lamentos como hacen la mayoría de los presos penales para lograr su puesta en libertad. Pero tal cosa es impensable para mí.
La última decisión negativa del tribunal plenario de Lamia me excluye efectivamente de la posibilidad de la libertad condicional, a pesar de que ya he cumplido más de 4/5 de mi condena.
Dentro del endurecimiento general en los últimos años, de la legislación penal y «correccional», en cuyo marco se han aumentado los límites de las penas, y los límites para la concesión de la libertad condicional y de los permisos; basicamente el derecho a la libertad condicional y a los permisos estan bajo abolicion. Se han introducido carceles de maxima seguridad (algo parecido a las antiguas prisiones de tipo C para peor), probablemente seré la primera persona con una condena de 20 años que cumplira la condena completa -las 5/5 partes de la misma- sin posibilidad de libertad condicional, acercándose a una cadena perpetua, es decir, 16 años según el antiguo código penal.
Este endurecimiento de la represión penal y «penitenciaria» es una consecuencia y un eslabón de una larga cadena de curso evolutivo sociopolítico, que parte de la derrota de la insurrecction social y popular contra los memorandos de 2010-2012, el retroceso de las luchas sociales y desemboca en el totalitarismo estatal y de régimen que vivimos hoy.
Nikos Maziotis, condenado por la Lucha Revolucionaria
“What is worrying is that the extreme polarisation that is being created is the best fertiliser to further develop the anti-establishment climate. And it certainly sends by itself the people to the squares of 28th February, reinforcing he conditions of destabilisation of the country. I suppose it’s hard to explain what that means in a world that’s becoming increasingly unstable after the rise of anti-establishment in the US…”
To Vima [mainstream Greek newspaper], G. Papachristos, 24-2-2025, The fertiliser of destabilisation
“In the age of global madness, we could easily leave the rails of logic and get into a phase of non-governance and chaos. The Greek society, however, knows to avoid disasters, perhaps because it brushed past one such disaster ten years ago. We have matured. […] Many of the citizens who went to the streets know well that they will have no choice other than Mr Mitsotakis when the ballot boxes are set up again.”
Kathimerini [mainstream Greek newspaper], A. Papachelas, The resounding message of anger
In the immediate period preceding the 28th of February for the 57 dead in Tempi, a number of publications described the “disturbing findings of the polls, which cause dark thoughts”, about the “danger of anti-establishment” as “Greece stands on the threshold of an era of new adventures”. Opponents of the rally, journalists, analysts, government deputies and ministers, tried in every way to discourage people from participating, because then the participants would turn into an object of exploitation by the “populists”, with the result that “the new division” would have disastrous consequences for “democracy and institutions”, “stability” and the “hard-won normalcy”, while also hiding “national dangers”.
Social media accounts modified the poster of the “Tempi 2023” association calling for non-participation in the rallies. In the original poster there is only one word: “justice”. In the modified one, it reads “I will not go, I trust justice”
Efforts to weaken the rallies of 28th of February and to consolidate the climate of terrorrism continued with prosecution orders for criminal investigation and persecutions against “online incitement to commit violent riots”, but also announcements about policing, preventive prosecutions, arrests and “zero tolerance” by the 6,000 police officers who will monitor the protesters.
And yet, all of these designs failed miserably.
As we were emphasising recently, the “return to normalcy” was set as a common ground for the political system, whether it was promoted as a project of anti-left orientation or as an anti-right political project, with the reconstruction of the “progressive faction”. But the vision of a “return to normalcy” has faded, and it is no longer persuasive, as it is no longer persuasive the kind of logic of “the glass is half-full, not half-empty” or “certainties” of an unbroken general opposition and aversion in the social sphere to new “adventures and instability”. As we wrote shortly before the elections in the summer of 2023, the “new normal”, however, symbolises further social inertia for its left- and right-wing creators and for the securing of social peace. They are counting their chickens before they are hatched. Neither the benefits, nor the micro-amenities, nor the “beautification” of the health and labour system, nor the family ministries and the digital “paradises” promised by Mitsotakis’ state can hide the reality.
For this very reason, the ivory tower of the current administrators of state affairs is proving to be very fragile, while at the same time the next most “suitable” administrator after Mitsotakis emerging is “Nobody”, according to a number of polls, reaching the same level of social denial and questioning of parties, institutions and politics as that recorded in the years of the crisis, especially in 2010-2012. We have to repeat here that the left, socially discredited and exhausted in its capacity of assimilation, is suffocating and is unable to mobilise even its few members and its bored followers, let alone to exploit a social anger that remains politically unsupervised.
According to Max Weber, the emergence of the “charismatic” leader presupposes the manifestation of “crisis”: “The charismatic leadership […] always appears in extraordinary, especially political or economic, circumstances, in unusual mental, especially religious, situations, or when the above coexist”. So, in times of “crisis”, the “charismatic leader” appears as the “called-for”, that is, the one who is “called” to help, the “comforter”, with “extraoridnary” duties, and with “extraordinary” mission. Let’s not forget that today’s political caricature, called Tsipras, wore exactly this mantle of the “unparalleled” and “charismatic” leader in monents of “crisis” and greate collective “over-agitation”, while also demanding blind obedience and loyalty of the subjects to the “mission” he embodied.
Mitsotakis emerged in 2019 again as a “called-for” leader, that is, as a technocratic politician, who dominated by stepping on the evolving political disintegration of the ruling left, appearing as the “only one”, and therefore as the “charismatic” one, who could wield the “new normalcy” and even through a global exposure.
On 16-5-2022, an article in the German newspaper Handlesbatt stressed that Mitsotakis will become the first Greek prime minister to address the US Congress and “will do everything to distinguish himself as a trusted partner of the alliance”. In early September 2024, Mitsotakis receives the Global Citizen Award from the Atlantic Council think tank (American think tank in the field of international affairs, favoring Atlanticism and founded in 1961 based in Washington). The Atlantic Council, it should be noted, has as its founding objective and mission to encourage the continuation of cooperation between North America and Europe, which began after World War II. The prize was awarded to Mr. Mr Mitsotakis by the chief executive of Pfizer Albert Bourla, who described the Greek prime minister as “a visionary champion of a new era of economic prosperity, a leader committed to his country, who has won the trust of the Greek people. A humble leader, whose re-election has shown that he keeps his political promises, while having the respect of the world’s leaders.”
Since then it seems as if a century has passed!
The change of administration in the US, the developments in Ukraine, the fragmentation of interests within the so-called collective West, and even the questioning of the usefulness of NATO by the American “friends”, seem to place the current managers of state affairs in the Greek space, rather, on the wrong side of international relations. Moreover, the “right side of history” in these terms has been judged in every historical period, and even more so in the current broader period, in which the post-war order of things is changing dramatically.
***
As we have already described, the crushing failure of the orchestrated campaign against the 28th of February demonstration proved to be more than monumental. All the methods used to slander the demonstration and its participants were not enough to prevent or even mitigate the earthquake, which was recorded by the largest Metapolitefsi gatherings in Greece, a total of 262, as well as 124 demonstrations in European cities, Turkey, the USA, Australia and even Mexico, Japan and South Korea.
In Athens, an unprecedented influx of protesters began at 9:15 a.m., with the area around Syntagma Square already flooded by 11 a.m. Hundreds of thousands of protesters continued to approach the city centre from many areas of Attica, flooding Patision, Vasilissis Sophias from the height of Ilision, Syngrou from the height of the Acropolis metro and then, the main avenues and streets, Vas. Amalisas, Vas. Sophias, Panepistimiou, Akadimias and Stadiou. For many hours almost all the central districts of Exarcheia, Kolonaki, Victoria, Clathmonos Square, Omonoia and of course Syntagma remained suffocatingly crowded.
Around 1:00 p.m. and while the speeches were over, hundreds of protesters launched a fierce attack on the Parliament and against the repressive forces in the courtyard area, with Molotov cocktails, stones, marbles, smoke grenades, as well as metallic and other objects. Protesters were also setting fire to a compartment of the Evzones regiment. Violent attacks against the forces of repression continued for hours, in scattered locations around Syntagma Square, along the entire length of Vas. Amalias Avenue, which resembled a quarry, on the Sygrou Avenue, through the columns of Olympian Zeus, in Kallirois, in Panepistimiou, in Stadiou, around Omonoia, up to Patisia.
In total, both in the prevention phase and during the attacks, the repressive forces detained 220 people, of which 73 turned into arrests with dozens of protesters being referred for criminal acts, while dozens of injuries were recorded among protesters and police officers.
Rallying of Anarchists
Posted in ΔΙΑΔΡΟΜΗ ΕΛΕΥΘΕΡΙΑΣ [ROUTE OF FREEDOM], issue 257, March 2025
and have a separate preference for playing in the closed hallway
and every day they grow in our hearts, so
that the pain under our ribs is no longer from deprivation
but from growth.”
Giannis Ritsos
The Direct Action Cells take responsibility for the placing of an incendiary device at the entrance of the house of Eliza Wozemberg in the Varkiza area in the early morning hours of 26 February. We visited this piece of trash to place our small piece in the mosaic of acts of revenge against those who have cynically stained their hands with blood in the murder of 57 people in Tempe and have tried to cover each other’s asses in a coordinated manner. The chronicle of the crime and its cover-up is pretty much known. The vanguard to save the shattered government’s reputation is made up of some shit-sucking mouthpieces of the right-wing bloc, whether they are MPs and ministers or journalists (like an old acquaintance of ours, Portosalte, who doesn’t seem to have a brain) or even “simple and humble” executives and party members who in the social media also reproduce the party’s main line of laundering the money of those directly involved and attacking the victims’ relatives. Wozenberg could not stand back and keep a low profile. She stood out from this shitty crowd and attacked Karystianou, the mother of one of the victims and president of the Association of Relatives of the Tempi victims, accusing her of deceit, of slandering the country internationally and of having no right to accuse Kostas Karamanlis. For our part, we responded to Wozenberg as she deserves. We answered her because the dead in Tempi could have been us, our brothers and sisters, our mothers and fathers, our friends and comrades. We ask no one for an account to avenge our dead. This is our answer to Wozemberg. With fire, as she deserves.
“You hit one to scare 100” Mao Tse-tung
The reason our team targeted Wozemberg is because of the dirty role she has played at the European level in covering up the Tempi crime. Mitsotakis took advantage of his lobbying support for the re-election of Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and that support was compensated for, with 2 buffers. The appointment of Wozenberg to the position of chairman of the Transport Committee in the European Parliament and the appointment of Apostolos Tzitzikostas to the position of EU Commissioner for Transport and Tourism. In this way the Mitsotakis regime has also secured European immunity for its crimes as the 2 main positions in the EU dealing with transport issues are held by New Democracy appointees. Therefore, the New Democracy ensures that there will be no unexpected consequences for the crime of Tempe and its subsequent cover-up on the part of the “European institutions”.
Besides, Wozemberg had the audacity to recognize in Karamanlis an innocent minister without responsibility and at the same time to desecrate the memory of the dead by accusing their relatives of being politically motivated. She has probably forgotten the times when her ancestors (during the monarchy of Otto, which is her lineage) would have already sent people like Karastianou and anyone who would have questioned their God-given right to rule us to the gallows. That’s why, after all, she got what she deserved. Just as we also understand that it makes sense that a proud descendant of a royal family would become a shield for a descendant of a stinking family of politicians like the Karamanlis. A family that still has some property titles in the New Democracy so that so far at least it has managed to save from criminal liability the tub of guts who was angrily protesting train safety just days before their clash. One hand washes the other and the two together attempt to push the dead of Tempi into oblivion as an accident of the rank and file.
We are outraged that all these scumbags like Wozemberg, Mitsotakis, Adonis, Karamanlis, Voridis, Markopoulos, Voultepsi and dozens of other members of the government mafia come out without fear and with enormous arrogance to attack relatives of the dead, scientists and experts who question the government’s narrative. It infuriates us that this arrogance and the tone of a thousand hearts with which they speak is also stepping on the support of a section of society. A rotten piece that only looks out for themselves, the little extra money they make and supports a government of proven mobsters and murderers. On February 28th those of us who demand street justice must do everything in our power to break this arrogance of theirs. We should cut out their tongues and send them to the dustbin of history, that is, where their natural habitat is. Continue reading “Athens, Greece: ‘Direct Action Cells’ – Responsibility claim for the incendiary attack on the house of MEP Eliza Wozemberg”→
The GEK TERNA conglomerate counts among its losses a staff transport bus, on 24/01/2025, due to arson. A giant company that is responsible for the greatest disasters in the Cretan environment, the Greek territory, but also internationally.
It does business and secures its profits by destroying forests and leveling mountains. It uproots people, animals and plants.
Capitalism has its own ethics: profit above all else. Arguments, logic and justice are unnecessary. As long as they’re profitable, they’ll keep going, even if they leave behind nothing but debris.
It’s not the metal sheets or the tires that are burning and smelling, it’s not the financial damage, even though they make us happy. The fire speaks for itself. It chases the sky, however elusive and distant it may seem. From the spark to the flame, and from the flame to the fire. May we bring fire to the cities, may we burn to ashes the ethics of profit and its supporters.
