Tag: Counter-Insurgency
Greece: POPULATION GOVERNANCE THROUGH THE STRATEGIC THEORY OF TWO OR MORE EXTREMES: THE CONTRIBUTION OF LEFTISTS AND ‘ANTI-AUTHORITARIANS’ TO THE CONSTRUCTION OF THIS STATE STRATEGY
DN Note: Our collective presents and translates a text written by ‘Assembly against Biopower and Confinement’ detailing a Greek academic who is in alliance with the Greek state, cops and their counter-insurgency tactics against our comrades and any manfestation against the social order. A similar incident in this country of ‘Aufhebengate/Libcom‘ comes to mind when we post this text, how the parasites of academia and its involvement in counter-insurgency, has not only spread to other countries such as Greece, that there is also international co-operation occuring on a far larger scale than before. As seen by the text there is a move to include all theories that are deemed ‘extremist’ and ‘terrorist’ as one emcomapssing threat especially because of their use of violence. Academia is the breeding ground of the new technoligcal shift that has already arrived, collabaration with cops in order to repress our circles is unforgivable and anyone connected to such scum as Rosa Vasilaki are not our comrades.
POPULATION GOVERNANCE THROUGH THE STRATEGIC THEORY OF TWO OR MORE EXTREMES: THE CONTRIBUTION OF LEFTISTS AND ‘ANTI-AUTHORITARIANS’ TO THE CONSTRUCTION OF THIS STATE STRATEGY
or
Do we all hate the police? Not all of us…
(on the occasion of the Event-Discussion in Chamadou entitled “The New World Order of the Far Right” by Asymmetric Threat & Opposition Publications)
“I decided to make an international career as a civilian, because Greece doesn’t fit me. Here is my article on the electoral rise of the far-right, hosted by Jakobin…
(Actually, the truth is that without Rosa Vasilaki’s invaluable help I wouldn’t even have made it to Bitola…)”[1]
Nikolai Polykarpov
One year ago, on 13/12/2022, the “Left-Right Lies Observatory”[2] publishes a video with an interview of former Contra Dystopia member Iason Baggeris on the show of the anti-vaccine cop Telemachus Bossios. We all believed at the time that the denunciation of I. B. by the meth/vaccine activists/vaccinators of the Observatory was done in the name of an anti-authoritarian authority: “we never talk to cops and cops’ associates”. The refutation of this erroneous initial impression was not long in coming. A few months later, on 28 August 2023, the main contributor to the Observatory, Polykarpos Georgiadis (Nikolai Polykarpov), published an article on the “coalescence of left and far-right in Greece” in Jacobin, the magazine of the left wing of the ruling Democratic Party in the US. [3] The publication of the article, as he informed his petty followers in a public post on his online profile, was mediated by Ms. Roza Vasilaki, among other “academic ” collaborators of the Greek Police – the latter of course conveniently for him avoided mentioning it. What happened in the meantime? Did Mr Georgiadis renounce his principles in order to make a face to the American democratic readers of Jacobin? No! As we will show in the following text, these “principles” are simply non-existent. But we will not limit ourselves to that. Because the issue for us is not simply the morally unacceptable or inconsistent behaviour of “anti-authoritarian” or “communist”, but the size and depth of the network of surveillance and repression of “dangerous” political activities that the security mechanisms have set up in Greece. And we will start by first answering the question: well, the “prominent member” of the Class Counterattack, Polikarpos is well-known, but who is Ms. Vassilaki?
Ι. TO WORK OR NOT TO WORK (FOR THE POLICE)?
In broad strokes, R.V. is another career researcher among those who use the language of the state and social movements simultaneously and have knowledge gained from participating in research projects that are at the service of capital, its state and the mechanisms of disciplining labour power and repressing class struggles. As such, it has acquired the capacity to be marketed differently depending on the audience. These days she tends to present herself as a militant researcher of the emergence of far-right discourse in Greece, as she writes in the promotional bio on her personal blog: ‘she has conducted extensive research on the far-right, football violence, religious fundamentalism, immigration and refugee integration, as well as feminism and gender-related issues.’[4]
By this point, one might reasonably wonder where the real problem lies. From the quotation of this autobiography, we seem to be talking about a left-wing researcher, one of many in the academic industry, who is conducting in-depth scholarly research on important issues that inevitably have occupied almost all social movements in recent years. Is there something wrong with all this and with Mr Georgiadis’ collaboration with R.V.? Are we referring to the classic combinations of academics of the antagonistic movement with other “networked” members of the academic community which can provide them with a few extra contacts and some professional and political career opportunities? Are we not referring to the various theoretical all-encompassing “conflict politics workshops”, from which indeed some careerists may later end up in the practical conflict politics workshops of the security apparatus of the capitalist state?
I wish we were just talking about this early stage of a political scientist’s career. In a more explicit, previously posted biography of R.V. on the internet, we read that “she has taught history and sociology at universities in Greece, Israel, and the United States. : we have the feeling that she did not teach anything that glorified the ‘Palestinian resistance’] and in Great Britain” and that her “main research interests focus on the changing place of religion in modernity, the emergence of post-secular and post-Western knowledge and theories, and the manifestations and genealogy of violence in the modern world, such as religiously and politically motivated violence and the particular role of security forces in modern states”. [5] Indeed, her professional activities cover a very broad field that basically centres around counter-insurgency policies and technologies, intelligence gathering and methods of preventing and suppressing activities ranging from youth rebellions to Islamist terrorism. Continue reading “Greece: POPULATION GOVERNANCE THROUGH THE STRATEGIC THEORY OF TWO OR MORE EXTREMES: THE CONTRIBUTION OF LEFTISTS AND ‘ANTI-AUTHORITARIANS’ TO THE CONSTRUCTION OF THIS STATE STRATEGY”
Santiago, $hile: Claim for incendiary exit for the Paco day at the Universidad Academia de Humanismo Cristiano & International Call for the Black May
Received & transmitted:
SANTIAGO, $HILE: CLAIM OF INCENDIARY EXIT FOR THE PACO DAY1 AT THE UNIVERSIDAD ACADEMIA DE HUMANISMO CRISTIANO AND INTERNATIONAL CALL FOR A BLACK MAY.
On Thursday April 27 as affinities we broke into the normal functioning of the university citizenship of the UAHC to celebrate the day of the paco in the way we like the most: with street violence. We set up a barricade of debris to interrupt the Condell traffic and thus invoke the bastards to fight them with Molotov cocktails. While we waited, we set fire to the electricity pole of a surveillance camera located at Obispo Salas and Condell. In this context, the response of the ratis2 was not long in coming; helmets, shotguns, bullet-proof vests and a shield were timidly placed outside their gate to intimidate and provoke our action. Unfortunately, we did not take the bait and waited for the police onslaught in order to fight back in a more optimal way, not as a sign of cowardice towards the ratis (we always went straight at them, even provoking them with a couple of Molotovs on the ground and stones), but knowing that if we attacked them directly, they would unleash an onslaught of shots and the panic could have caused a worse accident given the crowd of people in the street.
In this context, the wait for the police onslaught took almost two hours, which exacerbated the spirits of several of us. During this wait, a citizen-cop threatened us in a stupid and naive way with the intention of hitting us. A brief scuffle broke out and ended with his precious car out of service thanks to a Molotov that set fire to the driver’s seat of the car. We are not ashamed to attack the material goods of those who try to act as police without wearing a uniform; they more than deserve it.
After two hours of long and tedious waiting, the guanaco3 located at Condell and Providencia begins to advance while from Rancagua and Condell another guanaco also advances, trying to make a “trap” strategy. It is at this moment when we launched a couple of Molotovs, which triggered the advance of the ratis, covering themselves with the guanaco to proceed to execute about 9 shots, which left a person from the university wounded in his skull.
After this offensive, we continued the confrontation with Molotov cocktails inside the vicinity of the university. It is at that moment when the guanaco threw water directly into the face of a student.
Apart from any useless victimhood, we know that in the face of our inflammatory provocation they will do the impossible to see us imprisoned/dead; we are proud enemies of power and we are consistent with that, our lives are always open to the possibility of jail or death. Moreover, we also know that these events occur in this way because the precious government of the progressive bourgeoisie has given unlimited guarantees to its forces of order, all this under the neo-fascist rhetoric of “citizen security”. The trigger-happy law does nothing more than evidence the political crisis of progressivism and the unrestricted union of the entire political class. The progressive sector has not been able to repress subversion under the counterinsurgency mechanisms of social democracy (recuperation, democratization, grassroots politicking, etc.) and has given ground to the rhetoric of punitive populism, which leaves them only one option to safeguard their reputation: self-perpetuate at gunpoint.
It should be noted that, in addition, during this day simultaneous confrontations occurred at the Liceo Barros Borgoño (with a compa run over by the cops), Liceo 1 (with several detainees), INBA, Liceo de Aplicación, the former Pedagógico (where the cops attacked entering the university), among other establishments that were also occupied after the riots.
In relation to all that happened during that day, it is worth reflecting on the means of attack that we use in the face of the armed threat of the police in the context of trigger-happy behavior. We know that the police have always shot at us at random, however, this cannot remain just an inconsequential chant that says “all the bullets will be returned” while standing idly by. It is our certainty that those bullets do not return on their own and that when they least expect it we return them with ferocity and that in those moments they exhibit all their cowardice when they see us armed… Yes, this is also a threat.
It is time to study new means, new objectives, to qualify the attack, to strike harder and harder and to be unpredictable and invisible to the eyes of power. In a self-critical way we think that if we have to make incendiary exits we cannot only arm ourselves with Molotov bombs, paint or stones. It is necessary that our offensive puts their miserable lives at risk and that they feel the taste of blood in their mouths. Enough of raising banners waiting for them to stop shooting and killing us and let’s take arms into our hands not only in the peripheries of the city, but also in the heart of the metropolis; without leadership, without platforms, without vanguards, without leaders, informally and among like-minded individuals to unleash the anarchic war against all the existent.
For these reasons and more, we call for the multiplication of anarchic urban guerrilla actions throughout the world, making an Internationalist Call for a BLACK MAY in memory of comrade Mauricio Morales and in solidarity with Mónica Caballero and Francisco Solar as their oral trial is about to begin on May 19. We leave you these words to be spread around all the black threads of the world, dedicated to those who have ears to hear them, minds to reflect and hearts to take action and explode in rebellion.
SOLIDARITY AND ARMED COMPLICITY WITH MÓNICA, FRANCISCO, MAWUNKO, TOMÁS, THE COMRADES OF THE SUSARON CASE AND THE GENDARMERÍA CASE!
UNLEASH REVENGE THIS MAY 1ST FOR FRANCISCA SANDOVAL AGAINST THE TRAFFICKERS-COPS OF CENTRAL STATION!
ANARCHIC SOLIDARITY WITH THE INDEFATIGABLE COMRADE ALFREDO COSPITO!
UNLEASH THE NEW ANARCHIST URBAN GUERRILLA AGAINST ALL THE EXISTENT!
FOR A BLACK MAY FULL OF EXPLOSIONS AND SOLIDARITY!
LONG LIVE THE BLACK INTERNATIONAL!
Italy: ‘To burning hearts’ Statement of the anarchists accused at the trial for Operation Renata
Four years after the repressive operation Renata on February 19, 2019, we publish – not for an aseptic “exhumation” of recent history, but because these are texts that address the profound social and individual reasons for the anarchists’ thought and action – the statement of the seven comrades accused during the first-degree trial (“To Burning Hearts”) and a second statement distributed during the appeal trial. In addition, we believe it is important and necessary to find and disseminate the statements of comrades who, during the trials, take the floor continuing to support the ideas and practices of attack against the state and capital.
To burning hearts
Statement of the anarchists accused at the trial for Operation Renata
The anarchist does not look to success, to victory, to competition. He fights, because it is right. And in any struggle loss is part of life. He does not change his mind because he loses, much less give up the next struggle. The System is self-feeding because of the people who do not fight, not because they are invincible. The anarchist’s job is to instill in the people revolt, not in segments but continuous. Like a wave that recedes and then returns. You ask me if we will win? You ask me the wrong question. Ask me if we will fight and I will answer yes.
Luigi Galleani
Today we decided to have our say on the “Renata” operation. In other writings, the investigation has been analyzed, both in its general repressive aspects of the state and with regard to the technological, inquisitorial and legal tools used to hit those who still dare to fight for something different and still blow on the wings of freedom.
We have decided not to turn to the court that will try us nor to the diligence of our repressors. A courtroom is not the place where we choose to speak today.
We want to speak in those places where there is struggle, where there is still critical spirit, wherever there are women and men who are aware that so many things must be changed now, that this state of affairs must be revolutionized.
So we are going to talk about the actions that we are accused of or that are included in the investigation.
These actions-night or day, individual or collective-are part of a conflict that goes far beyond the specific facts or the territory in which they are located. They are the result of a broader clash, that between the exploited, the exploiters and those who defend them.
Of these actions we share the spirit, the ethics, the method, the goals, regardless of who carried them out. They speak for themselves, they are understandable to most, they point to a path – that of liberation. They point the finger at those who live by exploitation and war, hatred and violence, they wish for something more, something that will put an end to the worst atrocities and barbarities, but above all they aim to destroy the wall of resignation, in times so poor in human solidarity, rebellion, critical thinking.
Those who in recent years have said and still say that such actions serve no purpose, that the game is not worth the candle, that nothing will change, that human beings have permanently lost their wits by reducing life to a constant fratricidal war, have stopped dreaming, have stopped questioning those responsible for injustice and the causes that have brought society to a moral, environmental and material level that is disturbing to say the least. Continue reading “Italy: ‘To burning hearts’ Statement of the anarchists accused at the trial for Operation Renata”
Italy: Update on Operation Sibilla: hearing set for Alfredo Cospito and other comrades under investigation at Perugia review court
On Feb. 13, the setting of the review hearing on precautionary measures was notified for comrades targeted for measures in the November 11, 2021 Sibilla repressive operation (including Alfredo Cospito, who has been on hunger strike for more than 120 days, and Gianluca, who is currently under house arrest in the Diamante investigation by the Genoa prosecutor’s office). The hearing is set for March 14 at the court in Perugia.
This second re-examination stemmed from the hearing held on June 22 in Rome at the court of cassation, which concluded by granting prosecutor Manuela Comodi’s request, thus annulling the previous order of the review court (which on Dec. 16, 2021 had resulted in the revocation of the precautionary measures). The court of cassation, in spite of what had been expressed by the attorney general (who had called for the rejection of the Perugian prosecutor’s appeal), had thus “exhumed” the investigation by annulling the revocation of the measures and ordering a new review hearing.
Operation Sibilla, carried out by the Carabinieri’s Special Operational Group and the Perugia prosecutor’s office under the coordination of the National Anti-Mafia and Counterterrorism Directorate, played a key role in the genesis and application of the 41 bis detention order for comrade Alfredo Cospito.
Eight comrades (including Alfredo himself), previously investigated by the ROS and the Milan Prosecutor’s Office in another case for 270 bis c. p. (subversive association for the purpose of terrorism and subversion of the democratic order) and 414 c. p. (incitement to commit a crime, with the aggravating factor of the purpose of terrorism) in connection with the editing, publication and distribution of the anarchist newspaper “Vetriolo,” had been the subject in September 2021, by the Perugia prosecutor’s office, of a request for precautionary measures in prison on the same charges, plus other charges for various reasons relating to additional articles, leaflets and documents, as well as wall writings and for one comrade to a damage to some Poste Italiane cars (Foligno, June 6, 2019) in solidarity with anarchist comrades on hunger strike over the closure of the High Security 2 section of the L’Aquila prison.
At the same time as this request for arrest, a three-month censure order on correspondence was ordered for comrade Alfredo Cospito, which was subsequently renewed several times. The reasons for this censure became clear only a couple of months later, when – with the November 11 operation – the Sibilla investigation “emerged” and PM Comodi’s original request was downgraded by the Judge for Preliminary Investigations. Thus, a new order established no longer eight arrests in prison but six precautionary measures in relation only to the charge of incitement to commit crimes with the aggravating factor of the purpose of terrorism: an arrest warrant for Alfredo Cospito (at the time imprisoned in Terni Prison); house arrest with all restrictions for a comrade from Spoleto; and an obligation to stay in the municipality of residence jointly with the obligation to sign three days a week for four comrades. In addition, other comrades turned out to be under investigation at large, countless searches were carried out, and two websites (roundrobin.info and malacoda.noblogs.org) were subjected to preventive seizure and blacked out (a practically unprecedented fact as far as the Italian-speaking anarchist movement is concerned), remaining unreachable to this day with conventional search engines. Continue reading “Italy: Update on Operation Sibilla: hearing set for Alfredo Cospito and other comrades under investigation at Perugia review court”
Athens, Greece: ‘Until the demolition of every prison. Always with anarchy.’ Document of the Open Assembly of Anarchists for the initiative in solidarity with Alfredo Cospito in front of the Italian Embassy
‘Until the demolition of every prison. Always with anarchy.’ Document of the Open Assembly of Anarchists for the initiative in solidarity with Alfredo Cospito in front of the Italian Embassy (Athens, Greece, Feb. 16, 2023)
We publish “Until the demolition of every prison. Always with anarchy,” the call for the Feb. 16 initiative in front of the Italian Embassy in Athens in solidarity with anarchist Alfredo Cospito on hunger strike to the bitter end. The enormous movement of international solidarity that has manifested itself in recent months is proof of how to the isolation and censorship of the state and its prisons we will always oppose the tenacity and consistency of our ideas and practices. This text and the initiative of the Open Assembly of Anarchists, reaffirming the perspective of international revolutionary solidarity, are a further contribution in this regard.
* * *
UNTIL THE DEMOLITION OF EVERY PRISON. ALWAYS WITH ANARCHY
Because for those who love life, reacting when it is turned into surviving is a necessary act.
– Anna Beniamino, “Declaration of beginning hunger strike,” Nov. 7, 2022
Alfredo Cospito, imprisoned anarchist convicted of the crime “massacre” in the “Scripta Manent” trial – a charge concerning the double explosive attack on the Carabinieri Cadet School in Fossano, claimed by Rivolta Anonima e Tremenda / Federazione Anarchica Informale (RAT/FAI) – has been on hunger strike against the 41 bis prison regime and hostile life imprisonment since Oct. 20, when he was imprisoned in the Bancali prison in Sassari, Sardinia. Since May 5, and after ten years in prison, the state has chosen to reinforce the isolation of the comrade (who until then had contributed significantly to the debate among anarchists with letters, articles and interventions) through the detention regime provided for in Article 41 bis of the Italian Prison Order (the carcere duro), a law-abomination that, in essence, requalifies imprisonment into a form of special isolation even on the intellectual and sensory level. It is a suffocating stranglehold that almost completely nullifies communication and contact with the outside world, a torture of psychosomatic annihilation against militants in order to force them to political “repentance.”
Moreover, the purpose of this regime is to create a barrier to revolutionary-antiauthoritarian dialogue between comrades inside and outside prisons. Systematic censorship and the attempt to annihilate the very existence of political prisoners reveal the teeth of democracy and the fear of authoritarian forces of those who carry and spread the seed of revolt and attack for the demolition of the world of the state and capital.
Alfredo Cospito, a continuer of anarchist discourse and practice, raises the shield of the hunger strike to repel the vindictiveness of the state apparatus. The Italian state, with its fascist practices-through the last elections and beyond-has a long history of confrontational tension with anarchists, its enemies who over the years have had trials and investigations for their actions and beliefs, even at the cost of death.
Also imprisoned in the same annihilation regime are three political prisoners, members of the Red Brigades for the Construction of the Combatant Communist Party (BR-PCC) arrested in 2003, Nadia Lioce, Marco Mezzasalma and Roberto Morandi, while Diana Blefari – also a member of the BR-PCC and a longtime prisoner in the solitary confinement of the 41 bis regime – committed suicide in 2009.
With the approval of the new Penal Code and with the even more recent approval of the new Penitentiary Code by the Greek state, “maximum security” prisons or wards now have as their purpose “increased supervision” of “unruly” prisoners, apart, of course, from political prisoners, convicted under the main counterrevolutionary legal instrument par excellence applied to guerrilla warfare, 187A; all seven years after the abolition of Type C prisons thanks to the struggle waged through hunger strikes by political prisoners at the time. This latest development in the state’s legal arsenal is nothing less than a tendency to absolutize prison conditions, also placing a regulation on social confinement with surveillance and control outside the confines of the prison and opening a serious possibility for the introduction of solitary confinement and torture models (similar to 41 bis) in Greek prisons as well. Prisoners in Korydallos and Domokos prisons are still engaged in resistance mobilizations against the new and further authoritarian Penitentiary Code. Continue reading “Athens, Greece: ‘Until the demolition of every prison. Always with anarchy.’ Document of the Open Assembly of Anarchists for the initiative in solidarity with Alfredo Cospito in front of the Italian Embassy”
Greece: Hunger Strike of Anarchists and Fighting Prisoners in Solidarity with Alfredo Cospito
Greece: Dimitris Chatzivasileiadis – Speech of internationalist solidarity in the context of the trial of the Organization Revolutionary Self-Defense
FOR INTERNATIONALIST SOLIDARITY
There are moments when silence is an invitation to crime. There are moments when silence is complicity. Georges Ibrahim Abdallah
You are guilty not only when you commit a crime, but also when you do nothing to prevent it when you have the opportunity. Dimitris Tsafendasi
Since May ’22, a counter-revolutionary trial has been taking place against anarchist fighters, for participation in the armed Organization Revolutionary Self-Defense. This trial comes at a time when the state-capitalist regime is climaxing its aggression against the oppressed, the exploited and excluded. The anarchist Dimitris Chatzivasileiadis is also on trial for this case, while he has taken responsibility, both in public and in this courtroom, for his participation in revolutionary struggle through the Organization of Revolutionary Self-Defense, as well as for keeping the weapons (which in the repressive operation of November ‘19, fell into the hands of the state), in order to continue the guerrilla struggle through the experience and strategy of the Organization Revolutionary Self-Defense. The court of appeal of this particular military tribunal of the counter-revolution will be completed in January ‘23.
Throughout the course of this trial, Dimitris Chatzivasileiadis has been defending the right of revolutionary struggle, the necessity of guerrilla organization and of the armed social self-defense against the tyranny of power, and has been deconstructing and attacking bourgeois justice and its counter-revolutionary laws, inside the enemy field. With an eye to the world revolution, from the beginning of the trial, Dimitris Chatzivasileiadis is speaking about movements and struggles in all parts of the globe, expressing solidarity with those who are struggling, with current struggles, with the political prisoners and their fight today, and with reference to fighters who have been killed. These days, a struggle in italian prisons is taking place; comrade Alfredo Cospito is on hunger strike already for more than 65 days, against the state of total isolation, 41-bis, that has been imposed on him. With the awareness of how critical Alfredo Cospito’s struggle is, comrade Dimitris made extensive reference to Alfredo’s fight, during the trial. Meanwhile, the italian authorities rejected Alfredo’s demand for his removal from the 41-bis regime, and the comrade is continuing the hunger strike. Continue reading “Greece: Dimitris Chatzivasileiadis – Speech of internationalist solidarity in the context of the trial of the Organization Revolutionary Self-Defense”
Athens, Greece: Responsibility claim for the explosive attack on the house of the First Counsellor of the Italian Embassy – “Carlo Giuliani” Vengeance Cell
Since 20/10 Alfredo Cospito has been on hunger strike against the prison regime imposed on him by the Italian state, under the name 41 bis. Alfredo Cospito has been a prisoner since 2012, having taken responsibility for the shooting of Roberto Adinolfi, director of Ansaldo Nucleare, an action carried out by the Informal Anarchist Federation/International Revolutionary Front (FAI/IRF). Since then the comrade remains unrepentant and continues to be committed to the cause of social liberation. For this reason, the Italian state decided to impose the 41 bis regime on him from 5 May, a prison within a prison where he will be in solitary confinement for 23 hours a day, with one hour of pre-trial detention and meeting with other prisoners, who will be decided by the prison management, imposing full control over him, including which of his fellow prisoners he will associate with. Communication with friends and relatives will be limited to one hourly meeting per month, behind glass, or a 10-minute telephone call where the relative will have to make it from a police station or another prison. His right to possession of books and printed materials is also restricted, as is his correspondence. The exemption regime imposed by the Italian State on political prisoners and detainees through the 41 bis is now promoted for the entire consideration of the sentence and not the 4 years for which it was originally valid.
41 bis is a regime of political, social and sensory extermination, aimed at the complete elimination of all contact with the outside world. The aim is none other than the physical and moral extermination of those who choose the path of revolutionary vigilante justice against the tyranny of the state and capital. The extermination or the forcing of them to renounce their action is the essence of the laws of bourgeois justice, the so-called “anti-terrorist” laws, which provide for special conditions, wards and detention centres, isolation, torture and exterminating sentences, intended primarily for revolutionary organisations and their members, as many as the states label terrorists.
This is where the double contradiction of state terrorism emerges. First, it labels as terrorists those who rebel against the class-imposed terrorism of the rulers, reserving physical and moral extermination through its mechanisms, and at the same time the same mechanisms do not recognise the status of political prisoner or political opponent in those whom they try to exterminate. The State, therefore, cannot do real justice because it cannot speak the truth. Bourgeois “justice” is nothing but a mechanism for imposing and perpetuating class power over society.
Since the 1960s and its own storming of the heavens, the archipelago of the revolutionary, antagonistic movement on Italian soil, with armed guarded marches, occupations of factories and houses, self-motivations, organization of armed feminist movements and revolutionary organizations has proved that nothing is unattainable. From the actions of the BR/PCC in the 90s and 00s, to the attacks of the FAI/IRF and comrade Alfredo Cospito, the revolutionary thread continues to be woven with acts of resistance and emancipation that actively declare that nothing is over, and that revolutionary projects and visions remain relevant and alive in the ranks of the oppressed. And it is this thread, the historical continuity and memory that the fascist Meloni government, and every government before it, wants to silence and eradicate. The Italian state, faced with the archipelago of the revolutionary movement in its territories, has been forced to develop a series of repressive and counterinsurgency tools for decades, of which the 41 bis regime is an evolution. To this day, with the life-long imposition of the 41 bis torture regime, the Italian state is clearly leading its political opponents, those who try to do justice for the oppressed, into isolation and torture. Continue reading “Athens, Greece: Responsibility claim for the explosive attack on the house of the First Counsellor of the Italian Embassy – “Carlo Giuliani” Vengeance Cell”
Italy: Social Credit Score – Rome & Bologna testing new app that monitors & rewards behavior
In line with recommendations being laid out by the World Economic Forum and the UN 2030 Agenda, Bologna, Italy, plans to launch a social credit style app that has striking similarities with Communist China’s social credit system. The app rewards or punishes its citizens for their behavior. Dubbed “Smart Citizen Wallet,” the app will track activities such as recycling, public transportation use, and energy management.
The primary argument for the program is to “save resources” and promote climate-friendly behavior. Those displaying good behavior will collect digital coins and receive discounts at local shops based on the given scores.
The app is already active and in experimental stages in Rome and is set to go live in Bologna in Autumn. Bologna Mayor Matteo Lepore and Massimo Bugani, director of the city’s “Digital Agenda,” discussed the project at a March 29 conference. Bugani indicated the app was part of a more comprehensive effort by the city to invest in digital innovation.
In 2020, Italy and six other nations signed an agreement to become “Agile Nations” in partnership with the WEF. Besides Italy, the deal—co-organized by the OECD—includes Canada, Denmark, Japan, Singapore, UAE, and the UK and sets “each country’s commitment to creating a regulatory environment in which new ideas can thrive.” Expressly—with the Fourth Industrial Revolution front and center. Continue reading “Italy: Social Credit Score – Rome & Bologna testing new app that monitors & rewards behavior”
Hunger Strike of Anarchists and Fighting Prisoners in Solidarity with Alfredo Cospito
The 41-bis prison regime is the completion of the prison structure into a masqueraded death sentence. The execution, in this case, does not end in one moment, like with a gunshot, the tightening of the noose, the application of electrical current or the injection of poison into the body, rather it lasts a lifetime in a state of social coma, in a state of non-world. And so, spread through time. Out of this world, the death sentence has evaded history, just like the state pursues oblivion for all the prisoners of the social war who are buried alive in the state of 41-bis. The 41-bis regime has already murdered one fighter, Diana Blefari Melazzi.
The 41-bis regime and the law about “massacre” are the legacy of the european counter-revolution from the time of Piazza Fontana (Strage di piazza Fontana). This civil war never ended. The states, and particularly the Italian one, carry on the counter-revolution so that the flame may never flare up again. All the systems follow, step by step, the examples first introduced as special warfare, e.g. the white cells of West Germany, the F-type prisons in Turkey and the FIES prisons in Spain to the Type-C prisons in Greece or the new high security prison system A.A.; the still active Hitler-inspired law about indefinite extension of one’s sentence on “preventative” grounds, by which comrade Thomas Meyer Falk is being held for another 10 years (25 in total) in Freiburg prison in Germany, to the different methods of extorting declarations of repentance, and from Asinara to Imrali.
Anarchist Alfredo Cospito is fighting for the flame to flare up again. Let’s reassert the fight of the comrade.
It is our duty to defend in deed the battle that Alfredo Cospito is fighting. A struggle for and against time itself. This particular hunger strike does not concern only the comrades in the italian territory, but it is internationalist, and so the star of internationalist solidarity must shine on the side of Alfredo Cospito and all those who are fighting from within a special prison regime. From Greece to every point in the planet – for all those fighting for freedom.
Because defeat is not captivity, but losing one’s faith in the possibility of wining. So, we are collectively going on a hunger strike, according to each one’s capacity, so that we may stand by the side of anarchist revolutionary Alfredo Cospito, but also, against the death regime of 41-bis.
At the same time the struggle against the new prison code in greek prisons is continuing.
Anarchist and Fighting Prisoners
Yiannis Michailedis
(1 day hunger strike)
Dimitris Chatzivasileiadis
(3 day hunger strike)
Thanos Chatziaggelou
(1 day hunger strike)
Iasonas Rodopoulos
(1 day hunger strike)
Kostas Dimalexis
(3 day hunger strike)
Labros Vougiouklakis
(1 day hunger strike)
Panagiotis Vougiouklakis
(1 day hunger strike)
Stathis Nikolouzos
(1 day hunger strike)
Stergios Kalaitzidis
(1 day hunger strike)
Fotis Daskalas
(1 day hunger strike)