We take responsibility for the placement of an incendiary device in the morning of Thursday 19.01, in Tripotamos street in Stavroupoli in the vehicle of Ioannis Momolias in the yard of his residence, a fascist member of the United Macedonians, resulting in the complete destruction of the vehicle. The message is clear no fascist will hide forever, no one will sleep in peace; fire on your miserable lives.
Antifascist rage.
This conversation between Paul Cudenec and the Italian group Resistenze al nanomondo was first published in the July 2022 issue of the printed journal L’urlo della Terra and has recently also been made available online, again in Italian.
1. Resistenze al nanomondo: Can you can tell us about your story, your path, when you started developing a critique of techno-scientific developments and what thinkers you learned from?
Paul Cudenec: I don’t think I could separate my critique of techno-scientific developments from the rest of my opinions and analysis. I have been an anarchist for 30 years now, but even before then, in my youth, I felt a strong instinctive aversion to high-tech consumer society. On the one hand it was associated with everything that I most disliked – big business, the state, the military, authority and control in general. On the other hand it stood against everything that I most appreciated – nature, freedom, community, a sense of historical and cultural continuity. The arrival of CCTV cameras in England was a wake-up moment for me. I worked at the time as a journalist with a local newspaper in one of the first towns to have cameras installed and, since I knew for a fact that there was very little crime there, it was clear to me that this project was nothing to do with fighting crime, as was claimed, but was the roll-out of something much more sinister. I wrote a punk song about this in the mid-1990s (which I put online last year), warning about “the cameras that steal our liberty” and the techno-tyrants who were going to scan our DNA, put microchips in our brains and turn us into robots. With the local anarchist group, which I subsequently helped to create, we used to hold annual protests against the cameras, marking the anniversary of their installation as “Big Brother’s Birthday”.
As you will gather from the above, George Orwell was, unsurprisingly, an influence on me. The history of the Luddites was another inspiration (via Kirkpatrick Sale among others), along with anarcho-publications like Green Anarchist, SchNEWS, Do or Die, Anarchy: A Journal of Desire Armed and various EF! publications. I also read David Watson’s Against the Megamachine, Fredy Perlman’s Against His-story, Against Leviathan, the Unabomber Manifesto plus a lot by John Zerzan and Derrick Jensen. I have more recently been influenced by reading the likes of Miguel Amorós, Jacques Ellul, Theodore Roszak, Charlene Spretnak, Renaud Garcia… But intertwined with that thread of my self-education have been other inspirations. The English nature mystic Richard Jefferies has been very important to me, as has René Guénon, who combined his metaphysics with a strong critique of modernity. I have also read elsewhere about sufism, Taoism, comparative mythology, English folklore, Indian philosophy, German idealism, Jewish anti-capitalist romanticism, Jungian psychology… What interests me, above all, are the connections between these accounts and traditions, or rather, perhaps, the new space that is opened up for our reflection when we consider them together, in the same conceptual context. Continue reading “Resisting Techno-Tyranny: A Dialogue”→
In recent times we have seen the increasing effort of various nationalist groups to establish their presence in the western districts of Thessaloniki. Various groups of fascists are trying to forcibly steer occupations that have taken place in recent months in various schools towards a clearly nationalist course. Occupations by schoolchildren who raise as their main issues the educational devaluation, the privatisation of education, the total lack of protection and prevention measures with regard to the spread of mockery, the shabby structural facilities and more. Issues, which we understand touch on the class priority of the state in terms of learning as most of these schools are EPALs (Evosmos, Stavroupoli), without making any distinctions as to which nationality students can or rather cannot claim their right to free learning. Something which, it seems, cannot be accepted by the advocates of nationalist rhetoric whose priority is to have schools composed entirely of Greek students, thus disregarding the devaluation and impoverishment that people of our class are subjected to by the state even at such a young age.
Of course, the direction of these people’s priorities does not surprise us at all. Fascist groups have always been, whether they are organisations such as Golden Dawn or more disorganised paraphernalia such as in recent events the Eneth, selling an anti-government and sometimes anti-populist fairy tale in order to convince the masses that they will make a difference, that they will bring about change. What change can we talk about when the interests of these groups go hand in hand with the interests of the state and the bosses. What solution have they given or even proposed for unemployment, flexible working hours, starvation wages and pensions, precariousness and poverty in general? What change can we talk about when, over time, where the state is unable to intervene, fascism takes action with its long arm. With countless attacks in recent years, always on the weakest or different, with knives, guns, sticks and fists on immigrants and even children, with violence against schoolchildren who reacted to the nationalist occupations, with Molotov cocktails on the balconies of foreign families, with attacks on movement structures, thus taking the role that the state does not want to take the responsibility to take. What change can we talk about when these attacks are accompanied by the complete tolerance of the police.
One of these groups that have been active in Thessaloniki in recent years is the Holy Company, an organisation with a deeply Christian and nationalist analysis in its discourse. The Holy Company was at the forefront of the riots in Oraiokastro in 2016 when refugee children wanted to go to the local school. In 2017 it spearheaded blockades and riots protesting the ”anti-Christian” performance ”The Devil’s Hour”. He was found at the nationalist rallies for Macedonia that resulted in the burning of the Libertatia squat and the attack on EKX School on 21/01/18. Created Macedonian Pride a nationalist fiesta in a desperate attempt to keep the Macedonian issue alive in an anniversary format. Organized the marches for the death of the fascist Katsifa, as well as participated in nationalist protests first against lockdown and then against vaccines. Finally, it tried to capitalize on the events by calling for a nationalist march in the neighborhood. Based on these highlights of the holy company’s activities, we can easily understand that this group over time tries to follow the news in order to gather and organize as many people as possible. Continue reading “Thessaloniki, Greece: Responsibility claim for incendiary attacks against nationalists”→
Mauro Busa tells us that since November his mail has been under censorship again up until 22nd May, subject to extension. He is continuing to do hunger strikes (he also writes about self-harming, for example cuts, but it is not clear whether this refers to the present or the past) in order to be transferred near Lucca so that he can see his family whom he hasn’t seen since 2018.
For anyone who wants to send him money, he says prison rules have changed and it is no longer possible to send money orders but only bank transfers:
Addressed to “Direzione del carcere di Ascoli Piceno”
IBAN: IT36D0760113500000012503637
BIC SWIFT Per bonifici – BPPIITRRXXX:
Rossetti Busa Mauro, nato a Lucca il 6/1/1958
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Rossetti Busa Mauro C.C: Ascoli PIceno via dei meli, 218 36100 Ascoli Piceno Italia
DN Note: Letter from Mauro in 2020 explaining his case and reasoning for attacking the targets he claims.
Mauro was sentenced to 12 years of imprisonment for fire, evasion and manufacture of explosive material, threats and with the aggravating circumstance of recidivism and social danger. The original attacks took place in the vicinity of the Casapound headquarters and to the Eni distributor in Sant’Anna in 2018. The Eni distributor, the multinational is for some time in the sights of anarchists for activities abroad, and a building near the Casapound headquarters. Previously, Mauro Rossetti Busa had succeeded in Florence, in March 2004, in an attack on a public prosecutor. During the hearing his convictions were unwavering: “I’ll send you a packet-bomb, the next one will be for you and these cops,” he said.
Dear friends, dear comrades, today in exactly one month, on Friday, 19.11.2021, the trial against our friend and comrade Adel begins in front of the district court Tiergarten. In the sense of antifascist self-protection, we call for supraregional and solidary trial observation! Persons are expected, who are to be assigned to the violent right-wing radical spectrum and numerous cops among them also scene-knowing officials are loaded as witnesses. No Nazis in the courtroom! Let’s not leave Adel alone and show a clear edge against fascists and class justice! In front of the court building in Moabit there will be an antifascist rally. Afterwards we will move together into the court to attend the first day of the trial critically and to set a sign against the criminalization of legitimate antifascist interventions! We will announce the time of the start of the trial and the antifascist rally in time. A detailed call will follow soon.
A few anarchists residing on stolen Lenape land in so called Amerikka were alerted to the presence of a banner drop hanging from an electric tower along route 76 just outside the city celebrating the late far-right extremist, Ashli Babbitt, may she rest in piss.
Immediately upon getting notice of this we went to investigate and lo and behold there it was, hanging up defiantly exposing all the passing traffic to it’s utter filth. We just couldn’t allow that shit to fester in our town and following the proud anti-fascist tradition decided to take matters into our own hands. We got down to the tracks and to the electric tower and cut that shit down on sight!
We then took some arguably incriminating celebratory photos and decided to burn that shit in an old rusty barrel giving it the closure it deserved.
Source: Philly Anti-Cap
Kommt am 18.09.2021 zur Grossdemo “Wir sind alle Antifaschist*innen – Wir sind alle LinX” nach Leipzig in den Antifa-Block!
Am 8. September 2021 startet in Dresden ein medial groß inszeniertes Justizspektakel, in dem Lina und drei weiteren Gefährt*innen der Prozess gemacht werden soll. Seit November 2020 sitzt Lina – ihrer Freiheit entzogen – im Knast in Chemnitz. Grund dafür ist der Vorwurf, Angriffe auf gewalttätige Neonazis in Ostdeutschland durchgeführt zu haben. Gleichzeitig rückt die Urteilsverkündung im Prozess gegen Jo und Dy in Stuttgart immer näher. Auch ihnen werden Angriffe auf FaschistInnen vorgeworfen und auch sie wurden zeitweilig inhaftiert bzw. sind es immer noch. Die damit verbundenen Verfahren nach dem Paragraphen 129(a) sind der Höhepunkt eines steigenden Repressionsdrucks gegen Antifaschist*innen, welcher bundesweit spürbar ist, sich aber in den letzten Jahren auch in Leipzig konzentriert.
Diese Repression richtet sich allerdings nicht gegen alle Antifaschist*innen. Sie richtet sich nicht gegen einen oft beschworenen “zivilgesellschaftlichen Antifaschismus”, welcher sich allzu oft darauf ausruht, beim gemeinsamen Bratwurstessen gegen Rechts “Gesicht zu zeigen” und sich selbst zu vergewissern, ein besseres oder bunteres Deutschland zu verkörpern, als die Neonazis es gerne hätten. Der staatliche Angriff richtet sich nicht gegen einen Antifaschismus, der darauf abzielt, den FaschistInnen zu zeigen, dass “wir mehr sind” – ein Ansatz mit dem sich die antifaschistische Linke schon immer selbst belog, um das eigene Gewissen zu beruhigen. Ein solcher Antifaschismus ist längst Teil der politischen Selbstinszenierung des deutschen Staates geworden, welche hilfreich dafür ist, die eigene nationalsozialistische Vergangenheit doch endlich hinter sich zu lassen und sich als geläuterte Nation darzustellen. Continue reading “Leipzig: Wir bleiben militant – Autonomen Antifaschismus verteidigen! DE/EN”→
In the morning of Wednesday 18/08 we attacked the local offices of ‘Elliniki Lisi’ (Greek Solution, a far-right Greek political party) on the street Konstantinoupoleos, in Chania, breaking the glass in the front of the building.
As anarchists we have stood against all forms of power, the greatest being the state and its branches. The state, inextricably linked to the bourgeoisie, uses a wide range of mechanisms of control and repression to maintain itself and impose itself.These means, whether they involve “self-control” (religion, morality) or repressive mechanisms (cops, laws, the judicial system), have a single purpose: complete individual repression ‘Elliniki Lisi’ ‘ like every party body, is another pawn of this system.
K. Velopoulos, intertwined with the fascist branches of the Nea Demokratia (New Democracy Party), returned to the prostrate to complete the “puzzle” of the state apparatus. Giving another step to the domestic petty bourgeoisie, he expresses and reproduces, on a daily basis, social stereotypes and prejudices against minorities, based on ethnic, gender and religious characteristics. Chania, as a deeply middle-class and tourist city (the seed of the Mitsotakis family) with strong localism, gentility and national habituation, is the perfect environment for a culture and normality like this to flourish and be maintained.
As enemies of all normality, we attack in many ways, with the aim of attacking it, but also of propagating our political discourse through action.