Volume 7 Issue 6 (PDF for reading 8.5×11)
Volume 7 Issue 6 (PDF for printing 11×17)
In this issue:
What Went Down
By The Numbers
Outlaws Rising
Destroy 5G
On Sabotage
Return To Normal?
Eviction Defense
The Great Flood
It Could Happen Here Review
Krishna O Les Deseos
https://anathema.noblogs.org/post/2021/10/13/volume-7-issue-6/
There are many ways to demonstrate solidarity to comrades who are being criminalised by the State, each one of which is a direct expression of the way one intervenes in the social clash in general.
There are those who see solidarity as lending a social service to this or that arrested comrade, and that is the way they carry out their activity: looking for lawyers, sending money and clothes to prison, visiting and so on. This purely humanitarian solidarity also translates itself into the constitution of defence committees and relative campaigns aimed at influencing public opinion.
Then there are those who see solidarity in a strictly political key and play at making a heap of “distinctions” aimed at not compromising the image of their own activity. So for reasons of opportunity they defend and show solidarity to those who declare themselves innocent, not to those who Claim responsibility for their actions.
Others still, if they see there is something to be gained in terms of political propaganda, immediately bring out flyers and leaflets in formal solidarity with the comrade or comrades arrested, i.e. they declare solidarity in words, while in practice there is no trace of it.
Then there is solidarity in an ideological context. This is the case of the marxist-leninists in the revolutionary combatant party version. They show solidarity with those with positions similar to their own, and are in contrast with those who do not share or recognise their political line or strategy, often using censorship and ostracism against those they consider inconvenient.
What do we think we should mean by revolutionary solidarity then? The first aspect is that of seeing solidarity as the extension of the insurrectional social practice one is already carrying out within the class clash, i.e. as a direct demonstration of actions of attack against all the structures of power, large and small that are present in one’s own territory. And that is because these should to all effects be considered responsible for everything that happens in social reality, including therefore the criminalisation and arrest of comrades wherever they are. It would be short-sighted to reduce the question of repression against comrades to something strictly linked to the legal and police apparatus. The criminalisation and arrest of comrades should be seen in the context of the social struggle as a whole, precisely because these are always the hasty material means used by the State to discourage radicalisation everywhere. No matter how great or insignificant it might be, every act of repression belongs to the relations of the social struggle in course against the structures of dominion.
The second aspect is that each revolutionary comrade should be defended on principle, irrespective of the accusations made against them by the State’s legal and police apparatus, in the first place because it is a question of snatching them from its clutches i.e. from the conditions of “hostage” they have been reduced to. Moreover, it is also a question of not losing the occasion to intensify the attack against the “law” intended as the regulating expression of all the relationships of power present in constituted society.
The third aspect concerns the refusal to accept the logic of defence that is inherent in constitutional law, such as for example the problem of the “innocence” or “guilt” of the comrades involved, and that is because we have many good reasons for defending them and no one can justify the political opportunism of not doing so. We cannot and must not consider ourselves lawyers, but revolutionary anarchists at war against constituted social order an all fronts. We aim at radically destroying the latter from top to bottom, we are not interested in judging it as it does us. For this reason we consider any sentence made by the State vultures against proletarians in revolt, and all the more so if they are comrades, to be a sentence against ourselves and as such to be avenged with all the means we consider opportune, according to our disposition and personal inclinations.
The fourth and final aspect concerns our attitude towards the arrested comrades, whom we continue to behave towards in the same way as those not in prison. That means that to revolutionary solidarity we always and in any case unite a radical critique. We can and do show solidarity with imprisoned comrades without for this espousing their ideas. Those who show solidarity to imprisoned comrades are not necessarily involved in their opinions and points of view, and the same thing goes for us as far as they are concerned. We actively support all imprisoned comrades in all and for all, but only up to the point where what we do for them does not come into contrast with or contradict our revolutionary insurrectionalist way of being. Ours is exclusively a relationship between social revolutionaries in revolt, not that of bartering positions. We do not sacrifice any part of ourselves, just as we do not expect others to do the same.
We think of solidarity as a way of being accomplices, of taking reciprocal pleasure and in no way consider it a duty, a sacrifice for the “good and sacred cause”, because it is our own cause, i.e. ourselves.
Starting from these premises, of primary importance in the development of one’s anarchist insurrectionalist action, revolutionary solidarity takes on meaning as such, because we would show simple material support to any friend who ends up in prison.
Revolutionary solidarity is an integral part of our very being as insurrectional anarchists. It is in this dimension that it should be demonstrated incessantly, precisely because it contributes to widening what we are already doing.
Pierleone Porcu
DYSCONTENTS
A Day at the Barracks …1
Allez Allez Allez! …7
Abolitionist Futures or Insurrection Now? …9
Children of Grey Squirrels Poetry Corner … 18
United States of Emergency …19
Source: Act For Freedom Now!
Tired of being an island within the island: We are breaking the silence!
SOLIDARITY WITH THE RECALCITRANTS!
NO REPRESSION WILL DESTROY WHAT WE ARE.
‘Down the mask. – The time is always ripe to get rid of injustice when injustice exists. – Do you wait for the man to be back on his feet before raising him up again? – That will be the moment to give him help? – Or when he is lying down? Or when the assailant is on top of him? Or when he asks you for help?’
Carlo Cafiero
What is our struggle. What is our life.
In the present totalitarian democratic regime, the multitudes of excluded thrown to the edges of this global society are rendered invisible, useless, left to themselves because they are considered the inevitable “waste” of the highly specialized technological/capitalist production. And just as many are those who, exploited and oppressed, are suspended on the edge of the abyss and plodding on the slopes of the system that makes them chronic medical cases and infantilises them in the oppressive network of laws and assistance-dependency for life by the booming business of the “tertiary sector” that makes them outcasts of blackmail and misery, distrustful of each other, in the contest for crumbs.
The most striking outcome of this incessant seesaw of economic, social, moral, cultural, sentimental etc. obscenities is that, between compulsory servitude and involuntary servitude, the most widespread practice between exploitation and oppression becomes the breakdown into individual categories, dispossessed of oneself and crumbling among millions of particles upon which hordes of vampires parasitize and fatten themselves to the point of their total cancellation.
Thus, under the weight of authority, religions, unbridled consumerism and subservience to the bitter end, hosts of workers, unemployed, migrants and excluded of all kinds of give up fighting, they cowardly accept to barter their dignity and, slaves of their own ignorance and opportunism, albeit discriminated against and humiliated on the one hand in turn reproduce discrimination and constant humiliation on the other; completely dependent on and addicted to delegating, they even feel proud to claim the “subjects’ freedom” of being allowed to decide who should be elected in the government of the day; and having internalized authority to such a point, at every turn appeal to so-called State security, the institutions, the rule of law, the courts, the cops, judges, politicians, religious leaders, psychiatrists, social workers, voluntary work of every kind etc., in the illusory expectation and hope of being inserted by and into the system if thrown out, or become integrated if they are not yet settled.
Rather than react by violently rebelling against the blackmail, humiliation and abuses suffered every day on their skin and against the devastation and the poisoning of their territories, they give the bosses and rulers in power their life in exchange for work and security in exchange for freedom and, under the hallucinating expectation of an unlikely “class collaboration” with their oppressors, delegate, as well as to the politicians, the same bosses and capitalists, the changing of their own destiny, not giving a shit, among other things, if they themselves are contributing, with their so-called “work” to producing poisons, bombs, repression, destruction and death. Continue reading “‘Without Delay’ – Michela Ortu and Pierleone Porcu”
Source: Bure Bure Bure
Here is a map of the territory around Bure, with indications in the following text. It is a representation of the area, in order to better understand the different places and the high points of the struggle (Andra laboratory, the former station of Luméville, Lejuc wood, the struggle against Unitech in Joinville, the archives of Houdelaincourt, the GIP,…). The map, which is more of a bird’s eye view of reality, could be completed with other more precise documents, for a more refined vision of the territory. What was important to us here was the space left to the text.
The struggle in Bure has been going on for almost 25 years, and in order to have a more complete vision of the past years, the second part of the zine is a chronology of the struggle against Cigéo. The two parts go together, but can also be read separatly. This is why historical sequences can be redundant from time to time (Lejuc wood and 2016-2017, for example).
As with any written perception of the territory and past events, this is a subjective (although collective) vision, a kind of tool, a mean. It should not be taken for granted and is only willing to be criticized, confronted with other opinions or testimonies.
The present zine is also available in French, German and Italian.
On this beautiful pompous verbiage, we wish you a nice reading session (and more if desired) against Cigéo!
Summury :
-> GEOGRAPHY OF A NUCLEARIZED TERRITORY :
The ANDRA’s Laboratory
La Maison de Résistance à la Poubelle Nucléaire
The Lejuc wood
The former station of Luméville-en-Ornois
In Froncles (42 km to the lab) : POMA, subcontractor of CIGEO
In Joinville (22 km to the lab) : UNITECH, another example of territory’s nuclearization
The GIP’s funding
The SAFER of land, forest and building grabbing
-> CHRONOLOGY OF THE STRUGGLES :
1) 1987-2000 : Where will be the storage site that nobody wants ?
2) 2000-2014 : Early years in Bure
3) 2014-2015 : Bure is not just a Meuse and Haute-Marne problem!
4) 2016-2017 : occupation of the Lejuc wood and agricultural resistance
5) 2017-2019 : repression on opponents intensifies
6) 2019-nowadays
7) Today’s issues : 2021 and the risk of acceleration for Cigéo’s project
-> FOR FURTHER INFORMATION…
Page by page format – zine format
15/08/2021
Avis de tempêtes – bulletin anarchiste pour la guerre sociale n°43-44 (juillet-août 2021) est sorti. Pour lire, imprimer et diffuser ce petit bulletin autour de soi (il est en format A5, et celui-ci fait 24 pages), on pourra retrouver chaque nouveau numéro tous les 15 du mois, ainsi que les précédents, sur le blog :
https://avisdetempetes.noblogs.org
“A l’heure où dans le monde entier, les conséquences de l’avancée folle de la machine industrielle et technologique se font ressentir chaque jour davantage, où les changements climatiques induits par l’industrialisation pourraient bien inaugurer des scénarios inouïs qui risquent de reconfigurer drastiquement les assises de la domination, la lutte mapuche dans un coin « perdu » du monde où des habitants et habitantes porteurs de façons de vivre antagonistes avec le capitalisme et l’étatisme se battent pour chaque mètre accaparé et exploité par des entreprises et l’État, peut avoir une signification qui dépasse le territoire du Wallmapu.
Volume 7 Issue 5 (PDF for reading 8.5×11)
Volume 7 Issue 5 (PDF for printing 11×17)
In the issue:
What Went Down
Hunger Strikes
Chilean Models
On Noise Demos
Brooklyn Center Riot Interview
Ecodefense Roundup
Everything Will Go
Progressives Refund Police
Fires At Ford For Floyd Uprising
Source: https://anathema.noblogs.org
“Now a hostile minority of unmanageable and nihilistic ‘internal enemies’ stands against a society of consumers and citizens who have internalised the system and whose socialised group-think is an endless closed circuit of obedience (of course including the political Left, most “anarchists” and eco activists, in the UK at least).
In fact the August insurrection showed up the majority of UK “anarchists” and “revolutionaries” as cowardly citizens who though they like to whine and complain about the “evils” of the world, are fundamentally content as passive slaves. Currently most UK “anarchists” appear happily bitter simply tagging along behind state socialists and liberals as the impotent “good conscience’’ and/or the “rowdy margin’’ who wear black and use swear words. This is pathetic. Speaking the language of politics, of creating a reasonable and programmatic anarchist project, the result is an anarchism that’s neither fish nor fowl. Failing both as political pragmatics and as anarchic rebellion, civil anarchism limps along sadly. The idea that reasonable ideas of social transformation are what draw people to rebel is totally false, although it does draw leftists and liberals to the political philosophy “anarchism” who generally remain such though calling themselves anarchists. I have never had any non-political friends or acquaintances EVER be interested in the boring dribbling of “social anarchism‘’ but many who have been interested by anarchism as an extreme position of proud revolt. “Talking serious to the people”generally means churning out sub-leftist rhetoric thatfails as political leftism because it is unrealistic and fails as anarchic agitation because it doesn’t break with the certainties of society. Leftism has proved to be a social force for improving existing society in terms of the rate and conditions of exploitation, acting as a barrier to the excesses of the elite in highly industrialised and post-industrial societies, while acting as a vanguard of the capitalist mode of production in non-industrialised and semi-industrialised areas. Leftism (including leftist anarchism) is an expression of social struggle over the terms of social oppression. The point is to create insurrectional openings, lines of flight beyond normality that go beyond representation and mediation, which broaden the destruction necessary to free ourselves (or at least to satisfy our desire for revenge and moments of liberation).”
– ‘No Future, Just Vengeance’
EN: Nevermore – An Anarchist Journal of Heresy and Thoughtcrime
FR: NEVERMORE – UN JOURNAL ANARCHISTE SUR L’HÉRÉSIE ET LA PENSÉE CRIMINELLE
Introduction
The monstrous Black Volcano which has loomed and leered menacingly over Happy City since it was founded has finally erupted.
Vast rivers of lava are streaming down the mountain slopes towards the human settlement and ash is already beginning to rain on the rooftops. It is only a matter of time before a pyroclastic cloud scorches instant death onto the people or the molten rock pours into the narrow streets and kills everyone.
But in the city there is complete calm. Reassured by the King’s insistence that they are in no danger and that the volcano is not actually erupting at all, the city folk are going about their everyday lives. Goods are bought and sold, meals prepared and eaten, couples married and children educated.
There was a brief moment of confusion when it was discovered that the Happy City authorities had cut down every single tree in the Great Gardens in order to build a massive wooden fence on the northern limits.
But rumours that this was designed to hide from view the erupting Black Volcano were soon dismissed as malicious paranoid fantasies, as the King explained that it was a completely necessary step to protect his people from blood-thirsty foreign pirates and smugglers.
And so, as certain extinction draws ever closer, the people of the Happy City keep bustling around, making money, gossiping, squabbling over the petty details of their lives and reporting to the Official Inquisitor any citizen seen to be sniffing suspiciously at the sulphur-laden air, cocking an alert ear to the distant rumbling or trying to peer through the gaps in the Great Anti-Crime Fence in order to see if the lava is close.
Welcome to Dystopia 2021.
Get in touch: nevermore_media@riseup.net
